Amicus Brief: Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau

AMICUS BRIEF SUMMARY

U.S. Supreme Court precedent did not compel an outcome for either side. Although decisions such as Humphrey’s Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602 (1935), and Morrison v. Olson, 487 U.S. 654 (1988), approved statutes that insulate administrative officers from presidential removal, each of those rulings was readily distinguishable from the situation presented in this case. See PHH Corp. v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 881 F.3d 75, 164–98 (D.C. Cir. 2018) (en banc) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting) (distinguishing Humphrey’s Executor and Morrison).

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CASE: Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau

COURT: SCOTUS

DOCUMENT: No. 19-7

COUNSEL OF RECORD: Jonathan F. Mitchell

FILED: December 16, 2019

CASE DOCUMENTS

December 16, 2019 | Amicus Curiae Brief of the New Civil Liberties Alliance in Support of Petitioner
Click here to read the full document.

PRESS RELEASES

June 29, 2020 | U.S. Supreme Court Agrees with NCLA that CFPB Director’s Protection from Removal Violates President’s Article II Duty

Washington, DC (June 29, 2020) – Today the U.S. Supreme Court agreed with the points argued by the New Civil Liberties Alliance, a nonpartisan, nonprofit civil rights group in its amicus brief filed in Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau last DecemberAccordingly, the Court struck down the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) Director’s protection from Presidential removal as unconstitutional. NCLA supported petitioner Seila Law and argued that the President must have the power to remove any principal federal officer who exercises executive power. Article II of the U.S. Constitution requires the President to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.”

In the majority ruling written by Chief Justice John Roberts, the Court explained that the “entire ‘executive Power’ belongs to the President alone” and the director of the agency therefore could be removed by the President of the United States “at will.” The 5-4 ruling on the constitutional question overturns a federal district court ruling and appellate court decision that had rejected the law firm’s arguments. The Court ruled 7-2 that severing the Director’s for-cause removal protection was a sufficient remedy to address this litigant’s objection to the agency.

“The CFPB’s single-Director structure … vest[s] significant governmental power in the hands of a single individual accountable to no one. The Director is neither elected by the people nor meaningfully controlled (through the threat of removal) by someone who is. The Director does not even depend on Congress for annual appropriations,” said Roberts. In other words, though the Director “wields vast rulemaking, enforcement, and adjudicatory authority over a significant portion of the U.S. economy [,]” the Director is not answerable to the President, so the President cannot direct CFPB policies or priorities.

In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, Congress established the CFPB as “an independent regulatory agency tasked with ensuring that consumer debt products are safe and transparent.” But in organizing CFPB, Congress “deviated from the structure of nearly every other independent administrative agency in our history.” Instead of an independent agency with a multi-member bipartisan board, like the Federal Communications Commission or the Consumer Product Safety Commission, Congress decided to have the CFPB led by a single Director, removable only for inefficiency, neglect, or malfeasance.

“The CFPB Director’s insulation from removal by an accountable President is enough to render the agency’s structure unconstitutional.” But there are at least two other problems. While the President nominates the head of CFPB, the Director has a five-year term. In fact, it’s entirely possible that the President elected in 2028 “may never appoint one.”

Further, “The CFPB’s receipt of funds outside the appropriations process further aggravates the agency’s threat to Presidential control. The President normally has the opportunity to recommend or veto spending bills that affect the operation of administrative agencies.” Not here. The Director gets over $500 million per year directly from the Federal Reserve. The Court, however, severed the unconstitutional for-cause removal provision from the rest of the statute, leaving the rest of CFPB’s enabling statute intact.

In separate litigation, NCLA has objected to CFPB’s structure on behalf of its client in Law Offices of Crystal Moroney, P.C. v. CFPB et alMoroneylike Seila Law, offers debt-related legal services to clients. NCLA asserted constitutional and due process claims on behalf of Moroney. While the Supreme Court’s Seila Law decision means that Crystal Moroney has won her structural constitutional argument against CFPB, another issue lurks. Does CFPB’s method of funding violate Article I, Section 1 of the U.S. Constitution, which vests all legislative power in Congress (i.e., the nondelegation doctrine)? If CFPB is unconstitutionally funded, that might well be a harder problem to disentangle from the rest of the enabling statute.

NCLA released the following statements:

“The unelected and unaccountable CFPB Director has been described as the ‘2nd most powerful person in Washington, DC,’ a situation created when Congress decided to insulate this particular agency head from any oversight by our elected officials. Fortunately, the Supreme Court understood that this structure violates the very foundation of our Republic, ruling that it is the President who is the head of the executive branch, and all executive branch officials are answerable to him. Today’s ruling is a win for Constitutional order.”

Harriet Hageman, NCLA Senior Litigation Counsel

“Because the Court mistakenly left the rest of the statute intact, it has created an entirely new problem that may be even more constitutionally pernicious than the first. The President now has total control over an agency with a direct pipeline to Federal Reserve funds, without any appropriations control from Congress. This unconstitutional setup should be struck down at the Court’s first opportunity.”

Michael P. DeGrandis, NCLA Senior Litigation Counsel 

ABOUT NCLA

NCLA is a nonpartisan, nonprofit civil rights group founded by prominent legal scholar Philip Hamburger to protect constitutional freedoms from violations by the Administrative State. NCLA’s public-interest litigation and other pro bono advocacy strive to tame the unlawful power of state and federal agencies and to foster a new civil liberties movement that will help restore Americans’ fundamental rights.

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December 16, 2019 | Amicus Curiae Brief of the New Civil Liberties Alliance in Support of Petitioner

Washington, DC – Today, the New Civil Liberties Alliance filed an amicus brief in the United States Supreme Court supporting the Petitioner in Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The Petitioner in this case asks whether Congress has the authority to vest executive authority in the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), an independent agency led by a single Director, while also shielding that agency’s Director from Presidential oversight and removal. NCLA’s brief argues that the U.S. Constitution does not give Congress such authority. In fact, to the extent Supreme Court precedent suggests otherwise, NCLA’s brief suggests those prior precedents must be overruled.

The Ninth Circuit’s opinion below failed to cite or acknowledge Article II’s vesting clause, which requires that all executive power be “vested in a President of the United States of America.” The Constitution is clear that Congress violates the vesting clause if it attempts to vest any portion of executive power in an officer outside the President’s direction and control. Rather than focus on the language of the Constitution, the Ninth Circuit relied entirely on two cases, ruling that Humphrey’s Executor v. United States and Morrison v. Olson “lead us to conclude that the CFPB’s structure is constitutionally permissible.” NCLA’s brief explains why those cases do not control the outcome here. Upon recognizing that the CFPB wields executive power, the Ninth Circuit should have concluded that the statute that insulates the agency’s Director from Presidential removal and control is unconstitutional, and it should have confined the Humphrey’s Executor and Morrison precedents to the facts of those cases..

NCLA released the following statements:

“By insulating the CFPB Director from Presidential oversight, Congress is depriving Americans of their constitutional right to live under a government in which executive power is accountable to them through the elected President. This freedom is among those that are threatened by independent agencies, and one that the NCLA seeks to protect by participating in cases such as this.”  —Harriet Hageman, NCLA Senior Litigation Counsel

“The idea that a judge should interpret the Constitution in a manner that the judge knows to be wrong simply because prior jurists erred in interpreting the document bespeaks a staggering dereliction of judicial duty. It is high time for the U.S. Supreme Court to revisit Humphrey’s Executor and recognize that the Constitution does not allow the reallocation of executive authority that took place there.” —Mark Chenoweth, NCLA Executive Director and General Counsel

Media Inquiries: Judy Pino, 202-869-5218

NCLA Asks U.S. Supreme Court to Recognize the President’s Removal Authority over CFPB Director
Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau

ABOUT NCLA 

NCLA is a nonprofit civil rights organization founded by prominent legal scholar Philip Hamburger to protect constitutional freedoms from violations by the Administrative State. NCLA’s public-interest litigation and other pro bono advocacy strive to tame the unlawful power of state and federal agencies and to foster a new civil liberties movement that will help restore Americans’ fundamental rights.

For more information, visit us online: NCLAlegal.org.

OPINION

MEDIA MENTIONS

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